We hope you enjoyed watching our Education Service video with Elizabeth Haines, British Empire and Commonwealth Records Specialist at The National Archives looking at records from the Foreign Office collection. In this video we focus on a file from 1963 and a document from it about resistance to the apartheid government in South Africa, Catalogue ref: FO 371/167487.
This document contains ideas and language which reflect historical perspectives and attitudes at the time. It helps us to understand the people who experienced this history
Now try and answer the following questions:
- What is the Foreign Office known as today?
- What is its current role?
- What period does the Foreign Office collection cover?
- Where do many of the records held in the Foreign Office collection come from?
- How is information in the Foreign Office Collection organized?
- What type of information does this 1963 Foreign Office file contain?
- What did apartheid government mean for the population of South Africa?
- Why has some of the material in this file on South Africa been retained by the Foreign Office (redacted) and not kept by The National Archives?
- What does the contents of the file reveal about the role of the ANC (African National Congress) and its fight against apartheid?
- Why was the British Government interested in the activities of the ANC?
- Why are Foreign Office records valuable sources for historians?
- What other factors should we consider when using them for research?
Document 1
Typed copy of a document entitled ‘The Rumbles of a Volcano’, Catalogue ref: FO 371/167487.
- Why is this document labelled as a ‘COPY’?
- After reading the document, explain why it is entitled ‘The Rumblings of a Volcano’.
- Who were ‘the oppressors’ mentioned in line 3?
- Why were South Africans prepared to adopt violent resistance to the government according to this document?
- The document says it is ‘Issued by the African National Congress’. What does this reveal about the political party which was banned at the time?
- Comment on the language and tone used in the document.
- Why has this document been created?
- Why do you think there is a copy of Document 1 in a Foreign Office file?
- What do we learn from the handwritten note on the top right of the document?
- Find out about the significance of events referred to in Paarl and Transkei. [You may also refer to Document 4.]
Transcript
4 more copies please
J.M
C O P Y
THE RUMBLES OF A VOLCANO
The present violent clashes at Paarl, Qamata and Queenstown [Komani] must be looked at in their proper perspective. They are a writing on the wall. A sharp and clear warning to the oppressors that the volcano they have been poking for years is about to erupt and it will involve every South African, black and white.
It is futile to try, as the Government is [doing] to lay the blame on a few mischief makers, and to pretend that the problem can be solved by mopping up operations in which Africans are shot, arrested and even ultimately hanged. This approach is superficial and dangerous it merely intensifies the very methods against which the people are revolting.
THE PEOPLES’ LIFE IS A LIVING HELL
The roots of the clashes in which Africans have in these areas been driven to face the superior armed forces of the Government in pitched battles when they knew that the odds were heavily against them and their casualties would be higher lie not in so-called barbarous cathtaking [?] but in the barbarous and brutal policies of the government which has made the lives of our people a living hell.
The supporters of white domination have consistently been warned that their brutal denial of rights to our people, their contemptuous dismissal of the peoples’ demands, the evergrowing harassing of our people, the ruthless suppression of their political organisations and activity and to crown it all the complete reliance on force and violence against the people, the parading of Saracens [armoured vehicle carriers] and skiet commandoes [shooting commandoes, unit of South African Army & Territorial Reserve], will provoke our people to do that which other people in similar circumstances have done, namely to strike back at the enemy in the way in which it strikes at the people. We warned that oppression with the sword will provoke resistance by the sword.
The whites in the laager [entrenched position or bunker] should not console themselves that in the recent skirmishes the weapons of the Africans were inferior and their casualties higher. Far from being consoled by this they should be alarmed. Nor should they go back to sleep comfortably on the assurances of the police. The whites must realise and the sooner the better- that they have created a situation so intolerable that the Africans are beginning to storm the citadel of white-domination in spite of crude weapons and regardless of the consequences.
The statements of the police that there is no unrest in the Transkei are baseless. There has been unrest in the Transkei for about two years now and a state of emergency hangs over the heads of the people.
We mourn the dead; their blood is dripping from the hands of the insane men who have been put into power by the white electorate.
Unless an immediate halt is called upon this brutal and barbaric experiment on human life by those who support white domination there will be more dead people to mourn for, the conflagration conflict and violence will spread. The volcano will not only rumble but will erupt. The weapons and methods of the Africans will not always be inferior, nor will the casualties be higher amongst the oppressed.
History has taught that when an oppressed people have decided to stake their very lives for freedom, the weakness of the oppressed is only initial and temporary, so is the apparent strength of the oppressor.
The choice is between white domination and white privilege maintained through bloodshed, turmoil and conflict or Freedom – power to all the people of our country and peace. The time to choose is running out.
Issued by the African National Congress
Document 2
Letter to P.M. Foster at the Foreign Office: West and Central African Department from J.S. Longrigg at the British Embassy, Pretoria, 28 December 1962, Catalogue ref: FO 371/167487.
The letter links to the pamphlet copied by the Foreign Office. [Document 1]
- Why is this letter helpful in explaining why Document 1 exists in the same Foreign Office file?
- The original pamphlet was copied from a stencil using a Roneo machine to create large numbers of copies. What does this fact reveal about the organisation of the African National Congress (ANC)?
- Why did the ANC place this document in the hands of a ‘reliable journalist’?
- Why was the pamphlet unlikely to be printed by the national press in South Africa?
- Why were the British government interested in the pamphlet, Document 1?
- Why do you think the letter is marked twice as ‘Confidential’?
Transcript
BRITISH EMBASSY,PRETORIA.
CONFIDENTIAL
10112 December 28, 1962.
Dear Forster,
I attach a copy of what purports [appears] to be a pamphlet distributed by the African National Congress (A.N.C.). The original is simply roneod on two sides of a piece of paper. It was lent to us by a reliable journalist in Johannesburg to whom we must return it. We cannot of course, vouch for its authenticity; but it certainly seems all right.
- The text is very interesting. The A.N.C. do not, of course, go so far as to claim any of the credit for the recent wave of violence in Paarl. But they do not, as they would have a few months ago deplore it. Towards the end of the pamphlet there is a clear threat- “The weapons and methods of the Africans will not always be inferior, nor will the casualties be higher amongst the oppressed”- that the A.N.C. themselves will ensure that in the future the use of violence will be on a higher and more professional scale.
- It has been generally known for some time that the A.N.C. had definitely abandoned the policy of non-violence. But this is the first public indication which we have seen that they are prepared to give favourable publicity to the use of force.
- Incidentally, the newspaper which received this pamphlet will not be printing it for fear of legal reprisals; I would be surprised if any of the other papers took this risk.
Yours,
John Longrigg
(J.S. Longrigg)
P.M. Foster, Esq.,
West and Central African Dept.,
Foreign Office
London, S.W.1
CONFIDENTIAL
Document 3
Extract from minutes on a dispatch, 25 January 1963, entitled: ‘Illegal opposition parties in South Africa’ from Sir John Maude, High Commissioner in Cape Town, to Lord Home, British Foreign Secretary [Alec Douglas-Home] who later became Prime Minister, Catalogue ref: FO 371/167487.
- Describe the appearance of this document.
- How was correspondence/information dealt with when it arrived in the Foreign Office according to the document?
- What concerns did the British government have about (a) the African National Congress (b) the Communist party in South Africa, according to these minutes?
- Explain why the British government had these concerns at this time?
- What was the attitude of the British government towards the National Government of Dr. Verwoerd in South Africa?
- How useful is this document for researching opposition parties in South Africa? What additional primary sources would be helpful?
Transcript
1963 JWest and Central African Department J5A/015/5
SOUTH AFRICA
SUBJECT: The Illegal Opposition Parties in South Africa
MINUTES
… Copy sent to Sir B. Stevens
This despatch is a useful round-up on the state of the illegal opposition in South Africa. For practical purposes the only organisations which we need worry very much about are the African National Congress (ANC), the Communist Party (SACP) a number of whose African members are also members of the ANC, and, to a lesser extent the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC). Sir John Maud has reached the conclusion that the PAC, which originally broke away from the ANC in 1958, is on the wane. It has been a continuing theme in the history the non-European opposition in South Africa that though the ANC has often seemed ineffective and sometimes appeared to be finished, it has nevertheless outlived all its rivals. The real problem is not whether the ANC is going to be the force to be reckoned with in the future- it almost certainly will be, it is rather what sort of force it will become. Will the ANC, when it finally reaches a position of power, be pro-Western or at least benevolently neutral, or will it lean towards the East?
- Sir John Maud’s analysis, which only goes to reaffirm our existing knowledge, is anything but optimistic. Dr Verwoerd and his government have been following policies precisely calculated to force the African leaders into the arms of the Communists, if only because they have never had [any other] obvious allies. The sharper the repressive measures, the more permanent this shot-gun marriage will become. Over the past two years the position of the Communists has improved in this respect, because the non-Communist Europeans, for example, members of the Liberal Party, have, in the face of the Government’s repressive measures, been edging away from the illegal non-European opposition, thus leaving the field wide open to the Communists.
- It is true that the government have at the same time made it difficult for the Communist Party to function, many of its leaders being under “house arrest” or other restrictions. It is also true that the Communist Party has no mass following at all and is unlikely to acquire one. It remains a cadre [elite group revolutionary activists] party. But it does not need a mass following of its own if it is able to work in close alliance with the ANC and to influence the latter’s policy at the highest level. This is exactly, alas what is happening.
Document 4
Extract from a British Foreign Office report 8 July 1963, entitled: ‘South Africa: Internal Political Situation’, Catalogue ref: FO 371/167494
An extract from another report from a Foreign Office file created several months later.
As part of the apartheid policy of ‘separate development’ the government had passed the Bantu Authorities Act in 1951 to initiate the creation of ten Bantustans, or ‘homelands’ to segregate and control the Black population. Some areas were to be self-governing, others like Transkei were granted nominal independence. The Bantustans removed citizenship from Black South Africans within their own country and increased poverty and economic division.
- Why has opposition against apartheid government increased by this time? [Explain using the source and you own knowledge]
- How did the government react to the opposition parties according to this source?
- What support have independent African nations provided to opposition groups? How has this aided resistance?
- What roles have (a) ANC’s ‘Spear of the Nation’/‘Umkhonto ve Sizwe’(b) PAC’s linked POQO organisation played in resistance to apartheid government according to this report?
- Find out more about the Paarl March (November 1962); the actions of POQO; the government response. [also referred to in Document 1.]
- Why do you think this document is held in the Foreign Office collection?
Transcript
…For the past 12 months the policy of apartheid has been applied with increasing thoroughness. At the same time the activities of the (now illegal) African opposition parties have been intensified, and they have received overt support from independent African States at the Addis Ababa Conference. Several independent African Countries are known to be training saboteurs from South Africa, and the incident of acts of sabotage in the Republic are particularly high in the closing months of 1962. The operations were carried out with more efficiency and far greater security than previous amateurish attempts, and everything points to the existence of a well-organised cadre of saboteurs, possibly to be identified with the ‘Spear of the Nation’ thought to be a branch of the African National Congress. The early months of 1963 saw increasing activity on behalf of the Pan African Congress and an organisation, probably closely linked with it, called POQO. The latter’s activities are thought to have included the murder of European South Africans at the Paarl Location, and it seems clear that the African opposition in general is moving away from its previous firm stand on non-violence.
However, the South African security forces are at present more than adequate to meet any overt threat, and they seem to have delivered at any rate temporarily crippling blows to the organisation both of the African National Congress and the Pan African Congress, though there is some evidence that the leadership of both could be replaced from the ranks of the exiles in independent African countries. The minister of Defence has mobilised a territorial Citizen Force to help in the maintenance of internal security.
The establishment of an ‘independent’ African state within the Republic, the Transkei, as the first move in a policy of independent African Bantustans, has proved a focus for opposition to the Government’s racial policies and a source of further disturbances. In addition, the use of the High Commissioned Territories by refugees from the Republic to organise subversion has brought threats of reprisals against the Territories by the South African Government, whose economic stronghold on the Territories renders them very vulnerable to such pressure.
…
Connections to Curriculum
Key stage 4
OCR GCSE History
South Africa 1960–1994: The People and the State: The consolidation of Apartheid – Separate Development and the establishment of the Bantustans; nature and extent of support for Apartheid; methods used by government to maintain the Apartheid regime.
Key stage 5
AQA GCE History
‘The winds of change’, 1947–1967 the growth of nationalist movements and reactions to them.
OCR GCE History
Apartheid and Reconciliation: South African Politics 1948–1999
Edexcel GCE History
South Africa, 1948–94: from apartheid state to ‘rainbow nation’



